Our speed dating events in Clapham attract a fun, lively crowd every other Thursday and we just know you’re going to love it. We’ve hired the private bar at Sugarcane for this event and around 30 people will join us, meet each other and have a great night into the bargain. ‘Dates’ last just four minutes. Speed Dating Clapham with Games @ The Sun (Ages 21-30), 47 Old Town, Thursday, 17. September 2020. Play Date is our activity based Speed Dating event where you meet lots of cool singletons and play a variety of board games and activites like Connect 4, Twister & Hungry Hippos! Eventbrite - Original Dating - Speed Dating London presents Speed Dating in Clapham - Tuesday, April 7, 2020 at Sugar Cane Bar, London, England. Find event and ticket information. Play Date in Clapham The Sun, Clapham. Location: 47 Old Town, Clapham Town, London SW4 0JL Tickets: £15. Age Range: 21-30 yrs Speed Dating in Clapham. Speed dating is all about having a fun night out and meeting new people, face to face in the easiest possible way. Focus on enjoying yourself, don't take it too seriously and you'll have a great night. How it works. When you arrive at the venue you’ll meet our friendly hosts. Eventbrite - Speed Dating London & Singles Parties from DateinaDash presents Speed Dating Clapham with Games @ The Sun (Ages 21-30) - Thursday, 7 January 2021 at 47 Old Town, London, UK. Find event and ticket information. Speed Dating with Games in Clapham @ The Sun (Ages 21-30) tickets The Sun in London. Thursday 13th August 2020. 7:30pm til 10:00pm (last entry 8:00pm) Minimum Age: 21 A Clapham speed dating event sold 50% of tickets within days of going online. As lockdown eases, south London based speed dating company Original Dating is getting in the mood for love again, ... A Clapham speed dating event sold 50% of tickets within days of going online. As lockdown eases, south London based speed dating company Original Dating is getting in the mood for love again, ... Not only are speed dating events in Clapham the most regularly attended with the highest number of daters, speed dating is part of the social scene of this great area of South West London. Clapham - where speed dating began. Clapham speed dating is a special place for Original Dating as it's where, about 10 years ago we ran our first speed ...
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2020.05.15 22:00 ModernJazz-2K20 A Beginner's Guide to the New Jazz Generation Jazzwise
2020.04.29 21:50 Waterfall67a Chapter 1, "Work as Slavery", from The Ideology of Work by P. D. Anthony (1977) [part 2 of 2 of this post]
"It was agreed by most of the later Fathers that inequality, slavery, coercive government and even private property had no part in the original intention of God and had come into being only as a result of the Fall. Once the Fall had taken place, on the other hand, a development began which made such institutions indispensable. Corrupted by Original Sin, human nature demanded restraints which could not be found in an egalitarian order; inequalities of wealth, status and power were, thus, not only consequences of but also remedies for sin. The only recommendations which could be authorised by such a view were recommendations directed towards individuals and dealing solely with problems of personal conduct. That a master ought to behave fairly reasonably towards his slave who is as dear to God as he is himself ... such were the practical conclusions which were drawn, within the limits of orthodoxy, from the doctrine of the prime egalitarian State of Nature." (ibid.)St. Augustine in The City of God, held that man had been created as a rational being and was intended to be set above animals, not above other men. But sin had created servitude "by which man is subjected to man by the bonds of his condition". This was orthodox Christian teaching. St Ambrose pronounced that nature "created a common right, but use and habit created private right" that "The Lord God specially wanted this earth to be the common possession of all, and to provide fruits for all; but avarice produced the rights of property".
"Material goods are provided for the satisfaction of human needs. Therefore the division and appropriation of property, which proceeds from human law, must not hinder the satisfaction of man's necessity from such goods. Equally, whatever a man has in superabundance is owed, of natural right, to the poor for their sustenance .... But because there are many in necessity, and they cannot all be helped from the same source, it is left to the initiative of individuals to make provision from their own wealth, for the assistance of those who are in need ... [But] if a person is in immediate danger of physical privation, and there is no other way of satisfying his need, - then he may take what is necessary from another person's goods, either openly or by stealth. Nor is this, strictly speaking, fraud or robbery." (D'Entrèves 1970 : 171)Aquinas stressed the virtue of civil obedience but allowed that if tyranny went beyond the point where it threatened the free moral nature of the subordinate, the subordinate had a right to resist it. In modern times we might say that Aquinas conceived of society as a closed system in stable equilibrium. He regarded Christian society as eternal and the universal application of his theory with its interdependent and interlocking parts reinforced any tendency within it to resist change. Aquinas was concerned "to construct a rational scheme of God, nature, and man within which society and civil authority find their due place. In this sense his philosophy expresses most maturely the convictions, moral and religious upon which mediaeval civilization was founded" (Sabine 1951 : 225).
"Therefore that on covetous and unsatiable cormaraunte and very plage of his natyve contrey maye compasse aboute and inclose many thousand akers of grounde together within one pale or hedge, the husbandmen be thrust owte of their owne ... For one Shephearde or Heardman is ynough to eate up that grounde with cattel, to the occupiyng whereof about husbandrye manye handes were requisite. And this is also the cause why victualles be now in many places dearer. Yea, besides this the price of wolle is so rysen, that poore folkes, which were wont to worke it, and make cloth thereof, be nowe hable to bye none at all ... And though the number of shepe increase never so faste, yet the price falleth not one myte, because there be so fewe sellers. For they be almooste all comen into a fewe riche mennes handes, whome no neade forceth to sell before they lust, and they luste not before they maye sell as dcare as they luste."Attitudes and practice concerning both enclosure and usury were confused. The outcry against both was considerable but both were widely practised and for different purposes. The enclosure of arable or common land for sheep pasture was detested but some enclosure was carried out by peasants to bring about a more rational distribution of their open field strips. Usury, the making of money out of money without an advantage to both parties, was proscribed by theological doctrine, but lending was necessary to maintain a rudimentary economy and the lenders were often yeomen. But the extension of practices which were condemned led to wider social acceptance, a diminished doctrinal attack, and, finally, to the incorporation of practice in preaching: old ideologies cannot survive new worlds. To begin with, "to live by usury as the husbandman doth by his husbandry" had commonly been treated as ignominious, immoral, or positively illegal: when it evolved, money-lending was on the way to enjoying the legal security of a recognized and reputable profession. But the change itself was part of a larger revolution which
"set a naturalistic political arithmetic in the place of theology, substituted the categories of mechanism for those of theology and turned religion itself from the master interest of mankind into one department of life with boundaries which it is extravagant to overstep ... the issue at stake was not merely the particular question, but the fate of the whole scheme of medieval economic thought which had attempted to treat economic affairs as part of a hierarchy of values embracing all human interests and activities, of which the apex was religion." (Tawney 1925 : 106)The question was determined neither quickly nor decisively. The distinction between preaching and practice survived for a long time, as it always does.
"In the matter of trade ... canon law in the early twelfth century still spoke of it as an occupation scarcely compatible with Christianity. But as the growing needs of society produced more elaborate forms of commercial organization, the ecclesiastical lawyers began to have other thoughts. They modified some principles and interpreted others until a large field was cleared for commercial enterprise, and the restrictions that remained were largely ignored or circumvented." (Southern 1970 : 40)There is an inescapable danger of settling this particular issue summarily by simply concluding that the feudal system gave way to the development of a market economy in preparation for the emergence of capitalism. Any such perfunctory simplifications must be qualified by the understanding that the changes so described developed over some four hundred years, were the result of a variety of enormous and complex social forces, and are the subject of considerable disagreement among specialist historians. The middle ages did not come to an end abruptly and there is a wide range of emphasis over the characteristics which marked significant change. Sombart "if he were forced to give a single date for the beginning of modern capitalism ... would choose 1202, the year in which appeared the "Liber Abbaci" a primer of commercial arithmetic" (Heilbroner 1968 : 55f); Spengler emphasized the invention of double-entry bookkeeping in 1494; Tawney concentrated upon changes in the sixteenth century as marking the "rise of capitalism". It is easy to oversimplify. There is a danger of suggesting that the Aquinian objection to usury and to trade as base "in that it has not of itself any honest or necessary object" was briskly overcome by the protestant ethic. We shall follow this argument in the next chapter but it is worth remembering that Catholic theologians in France, well into the eighteenth century, continued to thunder that usury was "a vice detested by God and condemned by the Church", that usury is "a species of robbery and derives from it as a stream from its source" (Groethuysen 1968 : 202, 203)
"There were deadly famines causing villages to be abandoned by the thousand ... Cultivated land which had been won from waste and woodlands by centuries of effort, reverted to fallow and pasture. The Bordeaux vineyards exported only a tenth of their early fourteenth century production. The countryside was continually overrun by bands of adventurers ... There were sudden peasant risings sparked off by distress, an unmistakable stiffening of the exploitation of the peasants by the lords and a continual fall in agricultural prices. Industries declined or disappeared ... trading or banking companies failed, the currency was debased and monetary stocks exhausted."It is not our purpose to attempt some superficial explanation or summary of mediaeval economic history because such an attempt would be ridiculous and ill-informed. It is necessary, on the other hand, to take some account of descriptions of changes in the economic background of the middle ages which transformed a stable agricultural society so that a "naturalistic political arithmetic" came to replace theology.
"When the age of the Reformation begins, economics is still a branch of ethics, and ethics of theology; all human activities are treated as falling within a single scheme, whose character is determined by the spiritual destiny of mankind; the appeal of theorists is to natural law, not to utility; the legitimacy of economic transactions is tried by reference, less to the movements of markets, than to moral standards derived from the traditional teaching of the Christian Church." (Tawney 1948 : 272)The destruction of this transcendence of spiritual over economic values and of the emergence of a high regard for the virtues of work will occupy us in the next chapter. During our excursion into mediaeval economic history, precious little has been said about work. This is because, as with the Greeks, there is very little available concerning the attitudes to work adopted by any level of society, by lords, or guildsmen, or peasants. There is a great deal about the content of work, about the extent of week-work, about artisans' changes of occupation at harvest time, about food, drink, and clothing. But there is no evidence of an ideology.
2017.09.02 08:16 911bodysnatchers322 Transcript of George Webb Video Series Part 143: "Hillary's Leakers, Hackers, and Henchmen" [@Georgwebb / #HRCRatlne]
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